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The writer is author of ‘More Than I Love My Life’ and Winner of the 2017 Man Booker International Prize and the 2018 Israel Prize
作者著有《More Than I Love My Life》一书，并获得2017年布克国际奖和2018年以色列奖
Translated by Jessica Cohen
英文版译者：杰西卡•科恩
Some 1,000 killed, more than 3,000 injured, scores of people taken hostage. Every survivor is a miraculous story of resourcefulness and bravery. Countless miracles, countless acts of heroism and sacrifice by soldiers and civilians.
约1000人丧生，3000多人受伤，数十人被劫持为人质。每一个幸存者，都是一个机智勇敢的奇迹故事。奇迹不可计数，士兵和平民的英雄主义、牺牲精神不可计数。
I look at people’s faces and see shock. Numbness. Our hearts are weighed down by constant burden. Over and over again we say to each other: it’s a nightmare. A nightmare beyond comparison. No words to describe it. No words to contain it.
我看着人们的脸，看到了震惊。麻木。我们的心一直被重担压着。我们一次又一次地对彼此说：这是一场噩梦。一场无法比拟的噩梦。没有语言能形容。没有语言能表述。
I also see a deep sense of betrayal. The betrayal of citizens by their government — by the prime minister and his destructive coalition. A betrayal of all we hold precious as citizens, and in particular as citizens of this state. A betrayal of its formative, and binding, idea. Of the most precious deposit of all — the Jewish people’s national home — which has been handed to its leaders to safeguard, and which they should have treated with reverence. But instead, what have we seen? What have we grown accustomed to seeing, as though it were inevitable? What we’ve seen is the utter abandonment of the state in favour of petty, greedy agendas and cynical, narrow-minded, delirious politics.
我还看到深深的背叛感。这是政府，是总理和他的破坏性联合政府对人民的背叛。是对我们作为公民，尤其是作为这个国家的公民所珍视的一切事物的背叛。这是对这个国家的形成理念、约束力理念的背叛。这是对最宝贵的财富——犹太人民的民族家园——的背叛，它被交给了国家领导人去捍卫，而他们本应以崇敬的态度对待它。然而，什么是我们实际所见？什么是我们习以为常的现象，仿佛它不可避免？我们看到的是对国家的彻底抛弃，而沉迷于琐碎、贪婪的议程，以及不顾他人、心胸狭隘、精神错乱的政治。
What is happening now is the concrete price Israel is paying for having been seduced for years by a corrupt leadership which drove it downhill from bad to worse; which eroded its institutions of law and justice, its military, its education system; which was willing to place it in existential danger in order to keep its prime minister out of prison.
现在发生的事情是以色列为多年来被一个腐败的领导层所引诱而付出的具体代价，这个领导层使以色列每况愈下；它侵蚀了它的法律和司法机构，它的军队，它的教育体系。这个国家为了不让总理坐牢，不惜将自己置于生死存亡的危险之中。
I also see a deep sense of betrayal. The betrayal of citizens by their government — by the prime minister and his destructive coalition
我还看到了一种深深的背叛感。这是政府，是首相和他的破坏性联合政府对人民的背叛
Just think now of what we collaborated with for years. Think of all the energy, thought and money we wasted on watching Netanyahu and his family play out their Ceaușescu-style dramas. Think of the grotesque illusions they produced for our disbelieving eyes.
现在想想这么多年我们都在跟什么东西打交道。想想我们浪费了多少精力、心思和金钱看内塔尼亚胡和他的家人上演齐奥塞斯库式的闹剧。想想他们在我们的眼前所制造的那些不可置信的怪诞幻象。
In the past nine months, millions of Israelis took to the streets every week to protest the government and the man at its head. It was a movement of huge significance, an attempt to get Israel back on course, back to the lofty notion at the roots of its existence: creating a home for the Jewish people. And not just any home. Millions of Israelis wanted to build a liberal, democratic, peace-loving state that respects the faith of all people. But instead of listening to what the protest movement had to offer, Netanyahu chose to discredit it, to depict it as traitorous, to incite against it, to deepen the hatred among its factors. Yet he took every opportunity to declare how powerful Israel was, how determined, and above all — how well-prepared it was to face any threat.
在过去的9个月里，每周都有数百万以色列人走上街头，抗议政府及其领导人。这是一场意义重大的运动，试图让以色列回到正轨，回到其建立国家的崇高理念：为犹太民族建立一个家园。而且不是普通的家园。数百万以色列人希望建立一个自由、民主、热爱和平、尊重所有人信仰的国家。但内塔尼亚胡非但没有听取抗议运动的呼声，反而选择诋毁它，把它描绘成叛徒，煽动反对它，加深其成员之间的仇恨。他还抓住每一个机会宣称以色列是多么强大，多么坚定，最重要的是，宣称以色列已经做好了应对任何威胁的充分准备。
Tell that to the parents driven mad with grief, to the baby thrown on the side of the road. Tell that to the hostages. Tell that to the people who voted for you. Tell it to the 80 breaches in the most advanced border fence in the world.
告诉那些被悲伤逼疯的父母，告诉那些被扔在路边的婴儿。告诉那些人质。告诉那些投票支持你的人们。告诉世界上最先进的边境围栏上的 80 个缺口。
But make no mistake, and do not be confused: with all the fury at Netanyahu and his people and his policies, the horror of these past few days was not caused by Israel. It was effected by Hamas. The occupation is a crime, but to shoot hundreds of civilians — children and parents, elderly and sick in cold blood — that is a worse crime. Even in the hierarchy of evil, there is a ‘ranking’. There is a scale of severity that common sense and natural instincts can identify. And when you see the killing fields of the music festival site, when you see Hamas terrorists on motorcycles chasing young partiers, some of whom are still dancing without realising what’s going on . . .
但是，请不要搞错，也不要混淆：尽管人们对内塔尼亚胡及其手下和政策感到愤怒，但过去几天的恐怖并不是以色列造成的。而是哈马斯造成的。占领是一种罪行，但冷血地射杀数百名平民，儿童、父母、老人和病人，则是更严重的罪行。即使在邪恶的等级中，也有一个“排名”。我们的常识和本能都能辨别出严重程度。当你看到音乐节现场的杀戮，当你看到哈马斯恐怖分子骑着摩托车追逐年轻的派对者，其中一些人还在跳舞，没有意识到发生了什么......
I do not know whether Hamas operatives should be called ‘animals,’ but they have undoubtedly lost their humanity.
我不知道哈马斯武装分子是否应该被称为“禽兽”，但他们无疑已经丧失了人性。
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We move through these nights and days like sleepwalkers. Trying to resist the temptation to watch the horrific clips and listen to the rumours. Feeling the fear seep in among those who, for the first time in 50 years — since the Yom Kippur war — are experiencing the terrifying prospect of defeat.
我们像梦游者一样度过这些日日夜夜。我们尽力忍住不去看那些恐怖片段，去听那些谣言。对于那些自赎罪日战争50年来第一次经历可怕的失败前景的人，我们感受到了他们内心的恐惧。
Who will we be when we rise from the ashes and re-enter our lives? When we viscerally feel the pain of author Haim Gouri’s words, written during the Arab-Israeli war, “How numerous are those no longer with us.” Who will we be and what kind of human beings will we be after seeing what we’ve seen? Where will we start after the destruction and loss of so many things we believed in and trusted?
当我们从灰烬中站起来，重新投入生活时，我们会是谁呢？当我们切身感受到作家哈伊姆•古里在阿以战争期间写下的那句话的痛苦时，“那么多人都不再与我们同在”。在看到我们所看到的一切之后，我们将成为什么样的人？在我们所相信和信赖的许多东西遭到破坏和丧失之后，我们将从哪里开始呢？
If I may hazard a guess: Israel after the war will be much more rightwing, militant, and racist. The war forced on it will have cemented the most extreme, hateful stereotypes and prejudices that frame — and will continue to frame all the more robustly — Israeli identity. And that identity will from now on also embody the trauma of October 2023, as well as the polarisation, the internal rift.
请允许我大胆猜测：战后的以色列将更加右翼、激进和种族主义。强加给它的战争将巩固最极端、最可恨的成见和偏见，这些成见和偏见将继续更加牢固地定型以色列的特性。从现在开始，这种身份认同也将体现2023年10月的创伤，以及两极分化和内部裂痕。
I pray that there will be Palestinians on the West Bank who, despite their hatred of Israel — their occupier — will set themselves apart from what their compatriots have done
我祈祷西岸还会有巴勒斯坦人，尽管他们憎恨以色列，他们的占领者，但他们会将自己与其同胞的所作所为区别开来。
Is it possible that what was lost — or indefinitely suspended — on October 7 was the minuscule chance for real dialogue, for each nation’s true acceptance of the other’s existence? And what do those who brandished the absurd notion of a ‘binational state’ say now? Israel and Palestine, two nations distorted and corrupted by endless war, cannot even be cousins to each other — does anyone still believe they can be conjoined twins? Many warless years will have to pass before acceptance and healing can even be considered. In the meantime, we can only imagine the magnitude of fear and hatred that will now rise to the surface. I hope, I pray, that there will be Palestinians on the West Bank who, despite their hatred of Israel — their occupier — will set themselves apart, whether through action or words, from what their compatriots have done. As an Israeli, I have no right to preach to them or tell them what to do. But as a human being, I have a right — and an obligation — to demand of them humane and moral conduct.
10月7日失去的——或者无限期搁置的——是否可能是真正对话、两国真正接受对方存在的微小机会？那些挥舞着“双民族国家”荒谬概念的人现在又说些什么呢？以色列和巴勒斯坦，两个被无休止的战争扭曲和腐蚀的国家，甚至不能成为彼此的表兄弟，还有人相信它们可以是连体双胞胎吗？在考虑接受和愈合之前，还必须经过许多没有战事的岁月。在此期间，我们只能想象现在浮出水面的恐惧和仇恨会有多大。我希望，我祈祷，西岸将会有巴勒斯坦人，尽管他们憎恨他们的占领者以色列，但他们将通过行动或言语，与他们的同胞所做的事情区别开来。作为一个以色列人，我没有权利向他们说教或告诉他们该做什么。但作为一个人，我有权利——也有义务——要求他们做出人道和道德的行为。
Towards the end of last month, the leaders of the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia spoke enthusiastically of a peace accord between Israel and the Saudis, which would build on Israel’s normalisation agreements with Morocco and the United Arab Emirates. The Palestinians are barely present in these agreements. Netanyahu, arrogant and exuding self-confidence, managed — in his words — to sever the connection between the Palestinian problem and Israel’s relations with Arab states. The Israeli-Saudi accord is not unrelated to the events of ‘Black Saturday’ between Gaza and Israel. The peace it would have created is a peace of the wealthy. It is an attempt to skip over the heart of the conflict. These past few days have proved that it is impossible to begin resolving the Middle Eastern tragedy without offering a solution that alleviates the Palestinians’ suffering.
上月底，美国、以色列和沙特阿拉伯领导人热情洋溢地谈到了以色列与沙特之间的和平协议，该协议将以以色列与摩洛哥和阿拉伯联合酋长国的正常化协议为基础。在这些协议中，几乎没有巴勒斯坦人的身影。内塔尼亚胡傲慢而自信，用他的话说，他成功地切断了巴勒斯坦问题与以色列与阿拉伯国家关系之间的联系。以色列-沙特协议与加沙和以色列之间的“黑色星期六”事件不无关系。它所要创造的和平是富人的和平。它试图跳过冲突的核心。过去几天的情况证明，如果不提出一个减轻巴勒斯坦人痛苦的解决方案，就不可能开始解决中东悲剧。
Are we capable of shaking off the well-worn formulas and understanding that what has occurred here is too immense and too terrible to be viewed through stale paradigms? Even Israel’s conduct and its crimes in the occupied territories for 56 years cannot justify or soften what has been laid bare: the depth of hatred towards Israel, the painful understanding that we Israelis will always have to live here in heightened alertness and constant preparedness for war. In an unceasing effort to be both Athens and Sparta at once. And a fundamental doubt that we might ever be able to lead a normal, free life, unfettered by threats and anxieties. A stable, secure life. A life that is home.
我们是否能够摆脱陈旧的模式，认识到这里发生的事情太巨大、太可怕，不能用陈旧的模式来看待？即使以色列56年来在被占领土上的所作所为和所犯下的罪行也无法为其辩解，也不能缓和所暴露出的问题：对以色列的仇恨之深，以及痛苦地认识到我们以色列人将永远生活在高度警惕和时刻备战状态中。我们持续不懈地努力既做雅典也做斯巴达。从根本上怀疑我们是否能够过上正常、自由的生活，不受威胁和焦虑的束缚。一种稳定、安全的生活。一种在家园的生活。